June 2025
In This Newsletter:
1. The Central Resistance Committees of Salha, located in southern Omdurman, have accused the Sudanese army of carrying out extrajudicial killings in the area it took control of last May. Meanwhile, the army strongly denies the accusations.
2. The "March to Gaza" ends in Egypt.
3. Doctors Without Borders (MSF) has announced that the humanitarian situation on the Sudan-Chad border has once again reached a tipping point, with over 70,000 new refugees arriving in Chad since last April.
4. Dr. Laila Soueif's hunger strike continues, as talks between Keir Starmer and President El-Sisi on the release of Alaa Abdel Fattah make no progress.
5.The war in Sudan expands into the tri-border area with Egypt and Libya.
6. The catastrophic crash on the Regional Ring Road raises urgent questions about how much the Egyptian government values the lives of its citizens.
The Central Resistance Committees of Salha, located in southern Omdurman, have accused the Sudanese army of carrying out extrajudicial killings in the area it took control of last May. Meanwhile, the army strongly denies the accusations
The statement issued by the Central Resistance Committees of Salha comes within the context of an armed power struggle that has torn Sudan apart for over three years, resulting in a prolonged humanitarian catastrophe. The language used in the statement reflects an attempt to position themselves as a civilian force committed to ethical principles, as it condemns violence and violations “wherever they occur,” whether by the army or the militias — a veiled reference to the Rapid Support Forces (RSF). This apparent balance seeks to avoid taking an explicit side but also conceals the political challenges grassroots movements (such as the neighborhood-based resistance committees and civil society initiatives) face in publicly holding military actors accountable.
The use of concepts such as “international humanitarian law” and “principles of Islamic Sharia” aims to create a convergence between global human rights frameworks and local collective consciousness. It highlights a society in which one segment aspires to a modern civil state, while another seeks the dominance of an Islamic model. However, this discourse remains limited in its inclusivity of all segments of society — particularly those facing double and systemic marginalization, such as women, ethnically and religiously marginalized communities, and gender and sexual minorities.
Although the statement calls for the protection of “civilians and their property,” the language used remains excessively neutral, assuming a homogeneity within “civil society” without acknowledging the class, gender, and identity-based disparities that exist within it.
Gender and sexual minorities are often excluded from such discourse, despite being among the groups most affected during times of conflict. These communities experience layered forms of violence: direct violence from armed forces, and societal violence rooted in stigma and discrimination. In the absence of protective laws — and with the presence of legislation that criminalizes their gender and sexual identities — they are stripped of the ability to report violations or seek protection, rendering them easy targets for unrecorded and unpunished abuses.
Crises like war intensify social marginalization, pushing these communities further to the fringes, where they are viewed not as victims, but as burdens.
More details: https://bit.ly/44w8h52
The "March to Gaza" ends in Egypt
Against the backdrop of Israel's use of famine as a weapon against Gazan civilians, a number of activists and human rights groups launched a call for a march named the “Global March to Gaza”, aimed at pressuring Israeli forces to fulfill their international obligations as an occupying power by allowing the entry of humanitarian aid and food supplies into the Gaza Strip.
In early June, a convoy departed from Tunisia en route to Egypt, with the goal of reaching the Egyptian-Palestinian border with Gaza. On board were activists from Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco, and Mauritania.
For its part, the Egyptian Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued a statement on June 11, stating that the march must adhere to specific organizational regulations. The ministry called on individuals and organizations to submit requests through Egyptian embassies abroad, emphasizing that:
“The only way for the Egyptian authorities to consider these requests is through following the established regulations and mechanisms since the start of the war on Gaza, namely by submitting official requests to Egyptian embassies abroad, or through requests from foreign embassies in Cairo or representatives of organizations to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.”
Following this statement, on June 12, the organizing groups of the march announced that Egyptian authorities had detained around 170 individuals as they passed through Cairo International Airport. These individuals faced delays and deportations. The movement stated that its legal team was working on these cases, adding in its statement:
“We hope to be able to work hand-in-hand with the Egyptian government as a key and valued partner.”
These government actions coincided with rising voices from parliament and media outlets close to the state, questioning the intentions of the march participants and calling for their prevention. Several videos surfaced showing the march heading toward the Martyr Tunnel, where police stopped them, claiming they did not meet the legal requirements. Some citizens also clashed with the marchers, according to videos published by Mada Masr.
This comes as a continuation of the Egyptian authorities’ application of Law No. 107 of 2013, which complicates the procedures for protest and assembly in Egypt. The law grants the Minister of Interior or the relevant security director the authority to cancel, postpone, relocate, or reroute public gatherings, marches, or protests.
The law outlines a gradual use of force—starting with verbal warnings, then water cannons, batons, tear gas, and eventually rubber bullets. Since 2013, the authorities have used this law to prevent all demonstrations except those organized by state institutions. It is also used to justify the dispersal of protests that deviate from state-approved narratives.
This law restricts Egyptians’ right to assemble and protest, as the Egyptian authorities deploy all their security tools—from road closures and arbitrary arrests to the use of violence—to control public spaces in Cairo and other major cities, aiming to suppress any form of protest or demonstration, regardless of its goals or demands.
More details: https://bit.ly/4lLIgG1
Doctors Without Borders (MSF) has announced that the humanitarian situation on the Sudan-Chad border has once again reached a tipping point, with over 70,000 new refugees arriving in Chad since last April
Doctors Without Borders announced that the humanitarian situation on the Sudan-Chad border has reached a critical point, following the arrival of over 70,000 new refugees since April 2025. Most of them fled from El Fasher and the Zamzam IDP camp due to the intense violence in North Darfur. The refugees—primarily women and children—are suffering from malnutrition, lack of food and water, psychological distress, extreme heat, and the absence of shelter. The organization called for an increased humanitarian response, particularly in light of high rates of malnutrition and measles among children, and noted that it is providing medical care and psychosocial support, including for survivors of sexual violence. This comes at a time when Chad is already hosting more than 800,000 Sudanese refugees since the start of the war.
Despite the importance of this statement in shedding light on a major humanitarian disaster, the language used reinforces a traditional framework in dealing with refugees, portraying them as a homogeneous group of victims (particularly “women and children”) without acknowledging the identity-based and social disparities within these communities. This language implicitly excludes sexual and gender minority (SOGIESC) communities, even though they are among the most vulnerable in times of conflict and displacement.
Individuals with non-normative gender and sexual identities are often forced to conceal their identities in refugee camps due to fear of community violence, exclusion, or even arrest—especially in countries like Sudan and Chad where such identities are criminalized. The mental health and medical services mentioned in the statement, though essential, do not necessarily guarantee safety or inclusivity for these individuals. In fact, they can become spaces where violence and discrimination are reproduced if not built on gender- and identity-sensitive frameworks.
Moreover, the reference to “survivors of sexual violence” carries an implicit assumption of the survivor as a cisgender heterosexual woman, thereby erasing the fact that LGBTQ+ individuals are also subjected to this type of violence but rarely have the space to report it or seek support without fear. This erasure contributes to their continued marginalization—within the margins themselves.
In a context where the legal, religious, political, and social spheres intersect, displacement crises are not just about access to resources—they become battles for recognition and safe existence. Unless sexual and gender diversity is integrated into humanitarian protection policies, these communities will remain in danger—unseen, unrepresented, and left without equitable response.
More details: https://bit.ly/3U0tVJM
Dr. Laila Soueif's hunger strike continues, as talks between Keir Starmer and President El-Sisi on the release of Alaa Abdel Fattah make no progress
On May 30, Dr. Laila Soueif was transferred to the hospital to receive necessary medical care following her hunger strike, in which she demanded the release of her son, Alaa Abdel Fattah, who has completed his prison sentence after being convicted of spreading false news.
Although his sentence should have ended in September 2024—if the time he spent in pretrial detention were counted—Egyptian authorities have decided to keep him imprisoned until January 3, 2027, arguing that the two years he spent in pretrial detention should not be counted toward his sentence. This is despite the fact that his pretrial detention exceeded Egypt’s legal limit.
Alaa Abdel Fattah also began a hunger strike inside prison in February 2025.
His case has received widespread human rights attention, as part of pressure on the British government to call for his release. In early June 2025, the United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention (UNWGAD) stated in its report:
"The continued imprisonment of [Alaa] Abdel Fattah in Egypt is unlawful."
Following an 18-month investigation, the group noted that no arrest warrant had been issued at the time of his arrest, nor was any explanation provided. It concluded that the political activist was imprisoned solely for exercising his legitimate right to freedom of expression—rights that are theoretically protected in Egypt.
British Prime Minister Keir Starmer renewed his support for Alaa Abdel Fattah’s case and contacted Egyptian President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi for the second time this year to discuss Alaa’s situation. Alaa has held British citizenship since 2022, and Starmer demanded a pardon for him, stressing that the Egyptian government is causing his family immense suffering.
As of now, no additional details or responses from the Egyptian side have been made public.
In a report by The Guardian, a diplomatic source stated that Egypt does not recognize Abdel Fattah’s dual nationality.
Alaa Abdel Fattah’s imprisonment is not an isolated case—it is representative of the suffering of many political and human rights activists in Egypt, who are held in indefinite pretrial detention. Egypt’s Supreme State Security Prosecution frequently practices what is known as “rotation”, where a detainee is held under a new case with identical charges to prolong their detention beyond the legal limits without trial.
Despite frequent and public criticism of Egypt’s human rights record, the 2024 migration deal between the European Union and Egypt, worth billions of euros, clearly shows Europe’s willingness to overlook human rights abuses in exchange for Egypt’s cooperation in reducing the number of migrants and refugees headed toward Europe, according to Christian Uckhüner, a researcher at Roskilde University in Denmark specializing in Egyptian affairs.
More Details: https://bit.ly/44qzNAM
The war in Sudan expands into the tri-border area with Egypt and Libya
The war in Sudan has reached the "Triangle Area" bordering Egypt and Libya, following the Rapid Support Forces' (RSF) control over the region, resulting in heavy losses for the Sudanese army. The army has accused Khalifa Haftar's forces of involvement, which the latter has denied. In North Kordofan, attacks on civilians continue, and in El Fasher, the humanitarian situation is worsening due to hunger and ongoing shelling. Meanwhile, in Khartoum, cemeteries have spilled out into the streets due to the rising number of casualties, especially after a cholera outbreak last month and the presence of numerous unmarked graves.
The escalating catastrophic reality in Sudan reflects the intersection of military, humanitarian, and health crises in a daily scene of violence and loss. The journalistic language used focuses on reporting events from various locations, but it does so within a traditional framework that separates geography, politics, and human suffering—without drawing deeper connections between the systemic nature of violence and its varying impact on different segments of society.
What is missing from the text is the recognition of disparities in protection and risk among components of civil society—especially marginalized groups such as those with diverse sexual orientations and gender identities (SOGIESC). These communities are rarely mentioned in media coverage or human rights statements, despite being among the most exposed to systematic violence—whether by state or communal forces. In a context of lawlessness, militia dominance, and the collapse of legal protections, their bodies and identities become direct targets. They are often denied access to aid—or even the dignity of burying their dead in societies that don’t recognize their legitimacy.
The reference to “cemeteries spilling into the streets” opens a vital space to talk about documentation, memory, and identity—especially in the context of graves for the unidentified. Who are these people? What are their stories? Who lost their life without being recognized as a human or having their name remembered? This scene highlights that war does not only kill the body but also erases the social and political existence of individuals, perpetuating silence around invisible communities—foremost among them, Sudan’s LGBTQ+ community.
Therefore, any critical analysis of such texts must question who is being talked about and who is being left out, whose suffering is narrated and whose existence is erased. Because discourse is not merely the transmission of events—it is a political practice that redraws who has the right to exist and be protected, and who is left in the margins to be buried in silence.
More details: https://bit.ly/40GgWk6
The catastrophic crash on the Regional Ring Road raises urgent questions about how much the Egyptian government values the lives of its citizens
On Friday, June 27, 2025, Egypt woke up to a tragic incident when a heavy transport truck collided with a passenger minibus on the regional ring road near the governorate of Monufia. The accident resulted in the death of 19 young women who were working for daily wages harvesting agricultural crops.
The incident sparked intense debate in the Egyptian media regarding the performance of the Ministry of Transport and the responsibility of the National Roads Authority, especially since this road has witnessed several accidents on an almost daily basis. These accidents are attributed to ongoing maintenance work, the absence of lane dividers, lack of road signs, poor and insufficient lighting at night, and the fact that repairs have been ongoing for more than two years.
The frequent accidents and rising death toll have raised serious questions about the road’s quality, the extent of the National Roads Authority’s commitment to securing it, and the weak enforcement of regulations concerning the cargo loads of heavy trucks. During the live coverage of the incident, other accidents occurred — including one during the Transport Minister’s visit to inspect the road.
Despite the Parliament's announcement of forming a fact-finding committee to determine accountability, and President Sisi’s directive to allocate 100,000 EGP to the family of each victim, 25,000 EGP to the injured, and 200,000 EGP to victims’ families according to the Ministry of Labor, the tragedy revealed the officials’ disregard for public anger and the families’ appeals.
For three days following the accident, the Prime Minister did not offer condolences to the villagers or the victims’ families. The Transport Minister only conveyed condolences through media figure Ahmed Moussa, and even after visiting the accident site, he did not go to the village to meet the grieving families. This led to several comments and questions from state-aligned media figures such as Amr Adib, who asked:
“Did the Jordanian Foreign Ministry offer condolences before the Egyptian Prime Minister?”
It’s worth noting that it has been customary for the Minister of Transport to assume political responsibility and resign after major disasters. In 2019, Hesham Arafat, the former Minister of Transport, resigned following the Ramses train station accident, which killed 25 people. He was replaced by General Kamel El-Wazir, who has served as Minister of Transport since then.
Many commentators and media professionals are now questioning whether Kamel El-Wazir’s military background, as former head of the Armed Forces Engineering Authority (the body overseeing Egypt’s infrastructure projects including the regional ring road) plays a role in his exemption from political accountability and questioning.
For more details: https://bit.ly/44Pcv9b